Why New Music Louisville: The Evolution of NuMuLu (part 1)

As I mentioned in a previous post, I’ve started a new organization that focuses on featuring and promoting new and experimental music in the Kentuckiana region. In that post I mentioned the Chello Shed which was a similar kind of initiative I started in late 1996  after I finished my degree in cello performance in Greencastle, Indiana. In my post about DePauw University School of Music’s 21st Century Music program I spent blogged in some detail about it.  As I said, it was

a brainchild of mine that was a concert/lecture series and alternative venue that I created in 1996. It’s been revived at various locations since many of the events took place in the various places I lived in Greencastle.  Sometimes other music students requested I do an event in their dorm room and often events would be “site-specific”–taking place around Greencastle or on DePauw’s campus.

Some of the presentations were more formal while others, like “The Packing Tree” (1997), was essentially a Flash Mob performance with audience participation. While I can’t claim to have done this several years before Bill Wassik’s first official flash mobs in Manhattan (and really, performance artists have been doing things like this for decades) it and some of the other impromptu performances I did or organized had a similar vibe.

One of the reasons I created the Chello Shed was educational–as much for me as for anyone who attended the events. I’d started it not long after the internet was becoming available in educational institutions primarily because I’d spent so much time reading (in traditional print media) about all the experimental activity that had been happening since the beginning of the twentieth century.

The net at the time didn’t have these resources as readily available (no ubuweb.com, for example) at the time and I’d also created some websites (via free hosting services like angelfire and geocities) dedicated to specific topics.  for example, my “Green Music Box, Even” was a site that was dedicated specifically to the music of Marcel Duchamp (such as his Erratum Musical from 1913) Here’s a mirror of the old geocities site main page. There had been several recordings released of Duchamp’s music, and I’d slowly accumulated articles and other written pieces about his music and I felt the world wide web would be a great way to disseminate info about it. Now, these works have become something of a repertoire pieces performed in various interpretations, such as this piano version by Stephane Ginsburgh:

I was just as interested in performing all these works I had learned about (as well as composing my own) so the Chello Shed served that purpose.  The first performance I did was actually in the woods behind Blackstock Stadium on October 5, 1996.

Program for the first Chell Shed event in 1996 October 5
Program for the first Chello Shed event in 1996 October 5

The program included Raoul Hausmann‘s short phonetic poem “fmsbvtzu pgff kwie” (1919); La Monte Young‘s “X for Hentry Flint” (1960) which I performed on the frying pan; La Monte Young’s “Composition 1960 #5 (1960); Emmet Williams‘ “Voice Piece for La Monte Young” (1962); and two movements from Kurt Schwitter‘s epic 40 minute long phonetic poem, the “Ursonate” (1922-1932)–which was originally based on the Hausmann poem above.

Here’s an excerpt from the first movement of the Ursonate (below) and here’s the score with streaming audio excerpts to all four movements.

The second performance (October 26) after I attended a four day Symposium “Performance Art, Culture and Pedagogy” at Penn State (read a report about it by my late friend, Lisa Wolford, at the Theatre Topics Journal).  By that point I would be performing my first experimental performance art pieces (“Something or Other” and “Five Aphorisms of an imagined wise man”) in the vein of the early Dada, Futurists, and later Fluxus artists.

The third Chello Shed event was a reading of John Cage’s “Lecture on Nothing” followed by a discussion.  I would eventually read several of Cage’s “Lectures” as well as perform several of his works at the Chello Shed.

Occasionally I did delve into non-arts related presentations but for the most part during that one and a half year period from 1996-1997 the Chello Shed had presented well over a hundred performances, presentations, and discussions. I had the opportunity to perform several dozens of my own and others’ experimental works which spanned genres like the Fluxus Event Scores, Phonetic Poetry, Text-Sound-Art, Performance Art, Experimental Theater, Electro-acoustic and acoustic compositions.

I’m in the process if finding the old programs and flyers from those activities and have started listing them in a note at the Chello Shed facebook page here. As you can see, the NuMuLu thing is really just a continuation of something I’d been doing nearly 20 years ago (I still can’t believe it’s been that long) and now that I’ve settled back into the Kentuckiana region, I might as well do it here.  In part II of this, I’ll talk about the Indianapolis activities and the INDYtron festival and resource website and how that is the intermediary link to NuMuLu.

WPA Federal Music Project and the CWA’s contribution to Orchestras

FERA Orchestra Class, Horseshoe Bend, Idaho. ca. 1935
FERA Orchestra Class, Horseshoe Bend, Idaho. ca. 1935

In my post about the Federal Emergency Relief Administration (FERA) I took a look at how many orchestras were funded prior to the WPA Federal Music Project and the WPA Music Programs. During the FERA period, there was a short period of time where an actual job creation program existed, the Civil Works Administration (CWA). Whereas the FERA was primarily a relief project that usually just doled out money for the needy, the CWA was a job creation program. As Bindas (1988) states:

The CWA, created out of the machinery of the FERA in late 1933, instituted a program of federal work relief designed to give the hard-pressed wages for work. The straight dole of the FERA temporarily ended in exchange for work relief under the CWA. One program organized applied to America’s cultural workers and white collar unemployed, called the Civil Works Service (CWS). Under this program some states employed musicians, but CWS placed most emphasis upon the educational and recreational ability of music. Also, no uniformity existed between music projects, as each state controlled its own program and the CWA gave no direction or supervision. (pp. 33-34)

The federal support for music under the CWA began in late 1933 and ended in the middle of 1934 and during that time a number of orchestra were founded and supported through the program and a number of established orchestras recieved funding through the program to help weather the Great Depression.

In a piece describing survey results of some fifty non-major orchestras in smaller American cities, Grace Overmyer (1934b) mentions some of these organizations. The Newark Civic Symphony Orchestra was one band fully supported and initiated by the CWA.

Newark’s new professional symphony, under Philip Gordon, is the only one of the depression prodigies, included in this survey, to receive government aid. Financed by the C.W.A. from December, 1933, to May, 1934, it was thus enabled to increase the number of its concerts from thirteen in the first year to thirty in the second. It is not, however, an “unemployment orchestra,” but expects to continue on a permanent basis. (pg. 474)

Overmeyer later lists other orchestras which received funding in what she calls a “phenomenon altogether new in America–Federal aid to music” that

although this is commonly linked up with temporary “work relief,” it has also in a few instances been extended to established orchestra groups. (pg. 476)

She lists the Seattle Orchestra which received funds which fully paid for fifteen members of the orchestra during the 1933-1934 season. Also mentioned is the Syracuse Orchestra which was financed entirely by the C.W.A. “pending new plans for support” and a new symphony orchestra in North Carolina created solely through federal funding in 1934 which was approved as an Emergency Relief project.

I previously posted about the Buffalo Symphony Orchestra (which eventually became the Buffalo Philharmonic) which existed purely through FERA, CWA, and WPA funding until 1939.

As Overmeyer (1934a) writes in 1934:

The Plight of the musician in our time is no longer news, but neither is it ended. Among certain classes of musicians it is somewhat less acute than it was a year ago and considerably less terrible than two years ago. Yet by the best obtainable calculations, about 60% of formerly employed musicians in the United States are still out of work. At the height of the economic depression, unemployment in American industry as a whole never went above 50%. The musician has thus got the worst of it. (pg. 224)

Put in perspective (as I’ve done in a previous post), cries of classical music crisis today pale in comparison to what was happening during the Great Depression.



Bindas, K. J. (1988) All of this music belongs to the nation: The Federal Music Project of the WPA and American cultural nationalism, 1935-1939. Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Toledo, United States — Ohio. (Publication No. AAT 8909905).

Overmeyer, G. (1934) “The Musician Starves” The American Mercuty, June 1934, pp. 224-231 <<www.unz.org/Pub/AmMercury-1934jun-00224>>

Overmeyer, G. (1934) “The American Orchestra Survives” The American Mercury, December 1934, pp. 473-478 <<www.unz.org/Pub/AmMercury-1934dec-00473>>

The Classical Music Crisis during the Great Depression

Greek clarinetist Nicholas Oeconamacos, who had performed under John Philip Sousa and the Seattle Symphony conductor Homer Hadley, returned to Seattle during the Great Depression to play for change on the street.
Greek clarinetist Nicholas Oeconamacos, who performed under John Philip Sousa and the Seattle Symphony conductor Homer Hadley, returned to Seattle during the Great Depression to play for change on the street.

In a recent post I described how the Classical Music recording industry practically floundered during the Great Depression.  What was the live performing scene like?  Looks like it was pretty dismal.  Here’s a synopsis by Kenneth J. Bindas (1988):

By the late 1920s, the golden finish began to tarnish. In 1928 the sound track for the moving picture appeared, and by 1929 mechanized sound music machines replaced many theatre musicians. By 1930 some 22,000 of these professional theatre musicians were thrown out of work. In the nation’s capital over 60 percent of those employed as theatre musicians in 1930 were replaced by canned music in the following year. The growth of the radio industry in the late 1920s also spelled unemployment for many musicians. Restaurants, pubs, hotels, and other employers of musicians and orchestras favored the cheaper canned sound of radio. New Jersey’s Funeral Directors’ Association went so far as to recommend the radio over hiring musicians for funerals. Even Prohibition created musical unemployment. Many night clubs and bars, forced by the 18th Amendment to close their doors, no longer needed musicians, and another 30 percent faced unemployment. All in all unemployment for America’s musicians rose dramatically. The American Federation of Musicians estimated that in 1933, 12,000 of its 15,000 members in the New York City area were unemployed, and that two-thirds of the nation’s musicians were also out of work.

As the Depression deepened, the already critical unemployment problem for the country’s musicians grew worse. (pp. 31-32)

Ray Allan Billington, in his survey of Government Support for the Arts (1961), states:

With the economic collapse of the 1930s a worse defect of this system of patronage was revealed. Private philanthropy abruptly halted as wealthy men shifted their dwindling fortunes into more practical uses, and as it did so theaters and operas closed their doors, symphonies gave up the struggle and artists and writers begged for bread on the streets. (pg. 468)

“America’s opera companies, orchestras, and theatres, which relied on private patronage, also collapsed,” Bindas (1988) states, because “[t]he philanthropists could no longer support the arts, and the funding drain forced many companies to close their doors” (pg. 32).

William McDonald (1969) states that the collapse was already happening by 1929:

Cancellation of contracts harassed the professional musician throughout 1929. Two opera companies suspended their season. Orchestras curtailed their seasons and reduced personnel. Hotels, legitimate theatres, and restaurants dispensed with orchestras. State and local assistance for public music was withdrawn in many localities. (pg. 586)

The curtailed seasons and concert schedules fell by over 30% according to John Tasker Howard (1937) where we had a reduction of 3,750 commercial concerts during the 1929-1930 season to a “mere 2,600” three years later during the 1932-1933 season.

The graph I posted in my “Part-Time Musicians are the Historical Norm” post from Tassos Kolydas’ (2011) piece shows that the New York Philharmonic had a pre-Depression concert high of over 150 concerts during the 1929-1930 season, to reach roughly 125 concerts during the 1932-1933 season.  By the 1936-1937 season, the orchestra gave fewer than 100 concerts–well over a 33% reduction of concerts.

Table 1: Number of concerts of the Philharmonic Orchestra of New York for each season (by Tassos Kolydas)
Table 1: Number of concerts of the Philharmonic Orchestra of New York for each season (by Tassos Kolydas)

A NYT piece from 2009 by Daniel J. Wakin about the the woes in the New York classical scene after the Great Recession highlights the fact that this is nothing compared to what happened during the Great Depression:

But at least so far, and despite the frequency with which current economic troubles have been compared to the crises of the 1930s, the woes of the city’s signature musical institutions are nothing compared with the situation during the Depression, when the very existence of New York’s orchestras and opera houses was in question.

A dip into the archives of the venerable New York Philharmonic, which traces its history to 1842, shows something near panic seeping through the onionskin carbons of board minutes and browning newspaper clips from 75 years ago. The board grappled with crushing deficits that threatened the orchestra’s existence, despite the presence of its titan of a music director, Arturo Toscanini.

Given that the New York Philharmonic has recently digitized a number of documents which can be perused on their online archive, both the Kolydas and Wakin pieces make use of the resource for their pieces and what Bindas and McDonald state about philanthropic giving and financial health during the period is matched by those documents:

In the middle of the 1933-34 season, at the depths of the Depression, the Philharmonic-Symphony Society, as the orchestra was officially known, reported a $150,000 deficit on expenses of $686,000 — the equivalent of a $13 million gap on the current Philharmonic’s budget, $60 million.

In December 1933, the board reported a “marked loss of income” from ticket sales and a hit from higher taxes. Since the 1931-32 season, the endowment fund and contributions used to make up deficits “had largely ceased to be productive,” according to minutes. With the orchestra’s ability to borrow tapped out, its survival hung in the balance.

So about a 70% reduction of the musician workforce (with the rest having little gainful work); roughly a third of all commercial concerts were curtailed; some operas and orchestra shut down for a time or completely folded; and classical recordings doing dismally–a far different picture of classical music in the 30s than the more rosy one we’re given elsewhere.



Billington, Ray A. (1961) “Government and the Arts: The W. P. A. Experience” American Quarterly, Vol. 1, No. 4. pp. 466-479

Bindas, K. J. (1988) All of this music belongs to the nation: The Federal Music Project of the WPA and American cultural nationalism, 1935-1939. Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Toledo, United States — Ohio. (Publication No. AAT 8909905).

Howard, John T. (1937) “Better Days for Music” Harper’s, 74.

Kolydas, Tassos (2011) The repertoire of the Philharmonic Orchestra of New York, conducted by Dimitri Mitropoulos. from a presentation at “Dimitri Mitropoulos: 50 +1 years After” conference in 2011. <<http://www.dimitrimitropoulos.gr/>> <<http://www.kolydart.gr/en/scientific-experience/16-lectures/161-lecture-about-mitropoulos.html>>

McDonald, William F. (1969) Federal Relief Administration and the Arts: The Origins and Administrative History of the Arts Projects of the Works Progress Administration. Ohio State University Press

Wakin, Daniel J. (2009) ” The Maestro and the Money” New York Times, January 16. <<www.nytimes.com/2009/01/18/nyregion/thecity/18phil.html>>

Aging of Orchestra Audiences: Life Expectancy, Family Life Cycles, and Proportional Rescaling of Life Cycles


[C]lassical music has historically played to an adult audience, it’s just that the passage into adulthood—as indicated by first-marriage age—has been getting later and later, and the length of adulthood—as indicated by life expectancy—has been getting longer and longer.

This was one of the quotes by Matthew Guerrieri I posted in the first post of a series dealing with the Aging of Orchestra Audiences.  As I stated in that first post:

the average life-expectancy has maintained a consistent proportion to the median age since 1900 too (range between 46-49%) and that had to rise far faster relative to the median age of the population to remain so.

And as Guerrieri has stated, the rising median age tracks almost exactly with the trendlines for the rising median age of other events such as first marriage age (for both men and women) as well as the rising life expectancy at birth.

This phenomenon is known as Proportional Rescaling of Life Cycles in Demography (the statistical study of human populations).   Examples to illustrate this would be the ones given by Lee and Goldstein:

[S]uppose that an original 75-year life cycle were instead measured in units of six lunar months, or half-years. The new life cycle would be 150 units long instead of 75, but of course nothing would be different. (We use doubling as a convenient ex- ample, but we believe that a 15 percent increase in life cycle is more likely for the twenty-first century.) Every life cycle stage would last twice as long as before, measured in the new units. Every rate would be only half as great, since only half as many events would take place in 6 months as in 12 months. (Lee and Goldstein 2003, pg. 184)

When life expectancy has risen by one year from a low level such as 20, this one year has been distributed as follows: 0.7 years between 15 and 65; 0.2 years between 0 and 15; and only 0.1 year after 65. As life expectancy rises further, the incremental gains in childhood and the working ages decline, and the gains in old age rise. Further increases from the current life expectancy level of 77 years in the United States will be concentrated in old age, with 0.7 years coming after age 65 and hardly any coming before age 15. (pg. 188)

In other words if the first marriage age was 25 in the 75 year life cycle.  Then in a 150 year life cycle, we could predict the first marriage age to increase to 50 since the life cycle stage that would preceed the first marriage age would be doubled.  Obviously not every life cycle stage would double as there are certain biological constraints (female fertility) and cultural constraints (age of consent for marriage) which can affect the rescaling.

The way that Guerrieri and I have looked at the numbers suggests this rescaling effect of life cycles as an explanation for the rapidly rising median age of Orchestra Audiences.  Belk and Andreasen have long ago suggested that Family Life Cycles might be one of the most robust phenomenon to affect attendance at Arts Events (Belk and Andreasen 1982):

From the point of view of consumption, there are several other factors that vary systematically as the individual progresses through such a life cycle. Besides age and income, the individual’s needs and tastes change. Responsibilities for other family members change with the size of the family and the self-sufficiency of its members, and there are systematic changes in accumulated ex­perience, accumulated and desired durable goods, and accumu­lated savings and other liquid assets. Finally, when children and spouse are present, their needs, preferences and abilities are also changing as is the pattern of interaction for the family as a whole. (pg. 25)

The authors discovered that in four southern cities attendance declined at the Symphony and Theater when individuals were newly married and had children at home.  Andreasen has shown a curvilinear pattern for attendance based on family life cycles in his NEA report (Andreasen 1991) because as he states:

[A]s social scientists have noted for some time, age may not best describe an individual’s progress through life. A richer conception, the family life cycle, ~s incorporates age with marital status and the presence or absence of children to yield a set of “normal” life stages.

The life cycles and the percentages given by Andreasen:

  • 17.9% — Young, single
  • 10.7% — Young, married, no children
  • 08.7% — Children under six at home
  • 12.4% — Children six or older
  • 15.4% — Older, no children
[T]he relationship appears to be curvilinear. Those who are either young and single or older and with no children are those most likely to attend multiple events. Next most likely are those married with no children or married with children over six. Least likely to attend multiple events are those with children under six. The conclusion that young children at home inhibit rather than motivate involvement in the arts seems highly plausible. (Andreasen 1991 p. 26)

So as these life cycles expand and the median age of first births rise faster than the median age of the population as a whole, it shouldn’t be surprising that attendance at arts events would follow suit.  Add to that overlapping generations and we have a very complex set of issues with portions of the population with higher attendance going to events more or less frequently than others.  Obviously the largest cohort(s) (the Baby Boomers) will skew the numbers even more depending on any life cycle their attendance is measured relative to the population as a whole.

As Andreasen’s piece (1991) also discusses the role of other things — the typical socio-economic/education level/early exposure factors, as well time/cost/personal reasons — that can affect attendance with other robust findings, the complexity is magnified well beyond a valuation metric which relies on a simple calculus of the Arts’ (or Classical Music) decline or the lack thereof.

See the rest of the posts in the Aging of Orchestra Audience series.



Andreasen, Alan R. (1991) “Expanding the Audience For the Performing Arts,” Research Division Report #24 National Endowment for the Arts <<http://arts.gov/publications/expanding-audience-performing-arts>>

Belk, Russell W., and Alan R. Andreasen (1982) “The Effects of Family Life Cycle on Arts Patronage,” Journal of Cultural Economics, Vol. 6, No. 2 (December), pp. 22-26.

Lee, Ronald, and Joshua R. Goldstein (2003) “Rescaling the Life Cycle: Longevity and Proportionality” in Carey, James R. and Shripad Tuljapurkar (eds.). Life Span: Evolutionary, Ecological, and Demographic Perspectives, Supplement to Population and Development Review, vol. 29, 2003. New York: Population Council <<http://www.populationcouncil.org/pdfs/PDRSupplements/Vol29_LifeSpan/Lee_pp183-207.pdf>>

WPA Federal Music Project and America’s Musical Rebirth

A Federal Music Project violin class, ca. 1936.
A Federal Music Project violin class, ca. 1936.

A snippet from Bindas’ dissertation:

As a result of these activities, the Project helped stimulate a musical re-birth in the country.  By 1938 many recognized that the country was in the midst of a musical re-birth, and the FMP received much of the credit. (Bindas 1988, pg. 66)

What were some of those activities?

The Project raised this musical consciousness by attracting huge audiences with free or low-cost concerts.  And, true to Maier’s earlier projection, the FMP focused much attention on the smaller, rural areas outside of the east and west coasts.  These inland American concerts drew hundreds of thousands of people, many of who [sic] had never before seen an orchestra or band.  The Huntington, West Virginia, unit gave 428 concerts to nearly 150,000 persons during its first sixteen months of operation.  The Shamokin, Pennsylvania, unit gave during its seventeen month activity 325 concerts to 180,000 persons before being disbanded in 1937.  Out west, the Pueblo FMP orchestra, composed of only thirteen musicians, gave 284 performances from 1936-38 to almost 200,000 persons.  This Colorado unit averaged four concerts a week in halls, orphanages, and hospitals.  The Utah State FMP sinfonietta performed in 23 different Utah towns in 1936, giving 139 performances to an audience of 63,699.

These figures are astonishing when compared to the private sector orchestra.  In a normal season, an orchestra performs seven to twenty concerts to a mere handful of people.  In many of the areas the FMP operated no private orchestra existed, so the federally sponsored concerts were the only ones given. (Bindas 1988, pp. 59-60)


The FMP attracted these large numbers by not waiting for the people to come to them, like a private orchestra, but by going to the people.  FMP units played concerts at hospitals, orphanages, and other public institutions.  they attempted to participate in any and all civic rallies or community activities.  The Iowa final report asserted that the main value of the Project in the Hawkeye state lay in the FMP’s ability to bring music to Iowans in “all walks of life,” from the unfortunate and the young, to the passive and under-privileged. (Bindas 1988, pg. 60)

Even the Key’s Music Yearbook (the 1938 edition from whence Grant and Hettinger derived their stats about the growth of orchestras during the Depression years) nods toward the FMP:

The public has shown its willingness, as well as its desire, to respond to good music when interpreted by chamber groups, symphony orchestras of various sizes and qualities, choral performances, concerts of miscellaneous character, recitals, and dance performances.  The radio has assumed a role of leading importance in the disseminating of fine music by eminent artists and organizations and has been a factor in stimulating a desire to hear good music.  Music teaching has recovered.  The Federal Music Project has accomplished considerable. (Key 1938, pg. 41)

and how has the FMP affected radio?

The Project began in 1936 to tap the rural resources by initiating a program of recording the best of the FMP.  Under personal supervision of Sokoloff, the FMP recorded more than 300 fifteen minute vignettes of symphony, concert, dance, and Negro chorus music.  These transcriptions were then sent to radio stations that asked for them, especially in rural areas.  Local stations donated the air time so that their listeners could hear “live” FMP radio programs.

And education?

According to the latest statistics released by the Federal Music Project, 2,399,446 students unable to pay for private musical instruction attended the free classes of the project in its 140 music centers throughout Greater New York during the year ending June 30.  The number of classes held reached the enormous total of 145,133. (New York Times 1936)


The WPA Federal Music Project announced yesterday that the attendance of adults and children at its free classes in 128 music education and social music centers of Greater New York during the period from July 20, 1934, to April 1, 1937, totaled 7,689,406.  At the present time the weekly attendance is more than 60,000. (New York Times 1937)

to summarize:

In music, the FMP affected all aspects of musical culture, from the teacher to the audience. A great cultural renaissance was underway in America.  More Americans listened to serious music, more students learned, more composers composed, and more musicians played than at any other time in the United States’ history.  The FMP deserved a large bulk of the credit for this enormous growth. (Bindas 1988, pg. 55)

Since I quoted from the Key Music Year Book, it’s obvious that I now have my own copy.  I’ve skimmed over the numbers and calculated my own and am disappointed (though not surprised) that what I suggested in the previous post is pretty much the case.  There is no consistency in the list of orchestras provided in the volume–there are a number of WPA orchestras included in the “private orchestras” list despite the fact that they editor has given us a list of WPA Orchestras in its own section.  The editor also includes organizations which are not active as well as subsets of organizations.  The smallest ensemble listed is a 15 player string group (as I recall) which brings into question why would Grant and Hettinger choose to leave out of the count the 110 concert orchestras of the WPA.

Had the total [adjusted] number of 158 WPA orchestras been added to the 84 private orchestras formed during the 1930-1937 period, we’d have a far larger percentage of orchestras formed.  As it stands, I think we’ll have to question the accuracy of the list in the Music Year Book (not to mention the Grant and Hettinger book).  I’ll post a link to the data when I sort through the problematic issues of the book.



Bindas, K. J. (1988) All of this music belongs to the nation: The Federal Music Project of the WPA and American cultural nationalism, 1935-1939. Ph.D. dissertation, The University of Toledo, United States — Ohio. (Publication No. AAT 8909905).

Key, P. editor (1938) Pierre Key’s Music Year Book. New York: Pierre Key

N.A. (1936) “EDUCATION BY THE WPA” New York Times, July 12, pg. X5

N.A. (1937) “WPA TEACHES MUSIC TO 60,000 WEEKLY: 128 Centers in New York Have Given 7,689,406 Lessons Since July 20, 1934″ New York Times, April 5, 1937